工人阶级先锋网旧版

工先网新版:http://www.workerpioneer.com/(2011年4月26日正式开放)
现在的时间是 2017年 7月 22日 19:10 星期六

当前时区为 UTC + 8 小时





发表新帖 回复这个主题  [ 25 篇帖子 ]  前往页数 上一页  1, 2, 3
作者 内容
 文章标题 : Re: 【历史存档】2006年中国工人网被打压事件及海内外声援
帖子发表于 : 2010年 7月 2日 04:04 星期五 
离线
Site Admin

注册: 2009年 6月 16日 21:12 星期二
帖子: 2580
(★革马网 - 历史存档)
注:某些英文敏敢词做了适当处理。



The party, the people and the power of cyber-talk

2006年4月27日,著名的资产阶级自由派媒体 英国《经济学家》网刊登载了题为“党,人民与网络话语权”的报道,开篇就谈及中国工人网被封事件,也谈及我的革命马克思主义网站。

在此,革命马克思主义网站——我——感谢该媒体的这一具有声援力的报道。同时,我也对《经济学家》只公布我的私人blog(指链接),而不公布革命马克思主义网站3月下旬搬家后的新地址感到纳闷和不满。实际上,网站搬家后不久,无论用百度还是google查“革命马克思主义网站”这几个字时——我的http://red1917star.googlepages.com——都是排在第一位的。

真正的革命马克思主义者(包括我们工人网的编辑等中国同志)不仅仅反对专制,还反对资本,而且这是核心要害问题。人民群众的网络话语权的缺席不仅CCP有责任,国内外的老板们也有责任。因为在资本主义条件下,专制只有得到资本的屈从才能实现统治。资本屈从于专制,其根本原因很简单:其一,对于老板们来说,赚钱是最重要的,利润就是老板们活着的理由,为了赚钱什么都可以干,自由权利与人的尊严算什么?对于中国这个大市场蛋糕,国际资本当然垂涎不已,资产阶级都是最虚伪的两面派:它们一只伸在美国欧洲的手循规蹈矩,另一只伸在中国的呢,就把湖南记者师涛之类的中国进步人士推进CCP的监狱。其二,全球资本主义市场的压力与诱惑,这是两方面的因素:一方面是市场竞争的压力,另一方面是诸如中国这样的新市场的诱惑。这些就迫使一切资本竞相不择手段地踩踏对方或者与各国专制政权做卑鄙的政治交易。

《经济学家》原文网址:



————2006.4.30.革命马克思主义网站负责人 红草 声明.




2008.11.注:上面提到“中国工人网的编辑”属于“真正的革命马克思主义者”——实乃误解。迟至2006年晚些时候,我已明白中国工人网编辑乃是一些毛主义左派活动分子,并不是革命马克思派分子。


China and the internet

The party, the people and the power of cyber-talk
Apr 27th 2006 | BEIJING
From The Economist print edition

At present the party has the upper hand. It is starting to sweat, though
附件:
D1706SA1.jpg


“DO YOU know how serious a mistake you've made?” Yan Yuanzhang recalls an official asking him not long ago. Mr Yan had been summoned to Beijing's Internet Propaganda Management Office to talk about his websites. They were causing, he was told, the Communist Party to lose face. They were providing material that foreign media could use to attack China. They were illegal and must be closed down within 24 hours.

“Farewell, worker comrades,” wrote Mr Yan in notices posted that day on his China-based websites, China Workers Net and Communist Net. Visitors could hear a lugubrious rendition of the communist anthem, the Internationale, through their computer speakers as they read. “Whether there is any hope of starting again, heaven knows.” He says now that he will relaunch one of the two sites on May 1st, this time on a server in Taiwan.

It is remarkable that the websites lasted as long as they did. Mr Yan, who is not a party member, launched them on May 1st last year to mark Labour Day. The aim, he says, was to provide platforms for a “leftist” critique of China's embrace of “****ensian capitalism”. They did not, as he tried to explain to the city government, attack the party itself or its leaders. But they did provide something the party abhors: uncensored news about worker unrest. In September he launched a bulletin board on which visitors could directly post their comments. Messages complained about corruption, the privatisation of state-owned enterprises and the hardships of unemployed workers.

As Mr Yan talks, he gets a text message on his mobile phone. It is from Tan Jiaming, a university student in southern China who has been running a website of similar outlook, Revolutionary Marxism. It too, the message says, has been closed. The student had posted a notice entitled “Strongly Protest the Snuffing Out of the China Workers Website by the Beijing Authorities”. He was summoned to hear a dozen officials threaten him with expulsion from his university for backing Mr Yan.

附件:
D1706SA2.jpg


Six years ago Bill Clinton described China's efforts to restrict the internet as “sort of like trying to nail Jell-O to the wall”. But as China's web-filtering technology has grown more sophisticated, and the ranks of its internet police have swelled, some have begun to wonder. A report in 2003 by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace suggested that, despite the difficulties the internet posed to authoritarian regimes, it could also be used to fortify them. China, the authors concluded, had been “largely successful at guiding use” of the internet. At a congressional hearing in February on American companies involved in internet business in China, a Republican congressman, Christopher Smith, said the internet there had become “a malicious tool, a cyber sledgehammer of repression”.

Some of the companies testifying at the hearing—Cisco, Google, Microsoft and Yahoo!—deserved a grilling. Why, for instance, had Microsoft, at the request of Chinese officials, removed a popular site in December from its Chinese version of MSN Spaces, a service for personal diaries and blogs? Yahoo! too had questions to answer about reports that information it provided to the police about its e-mail services had helped put dissidents behind bars. More recently Reporters Without Borders, a human-rights group, said that a Hong Kong unit of Yahoo! had given the police a Chinese user's draft e-mails. These were then used as evidence at his trial for subversion, for which he received a four-year jail sentence. Yahoo! has condemned efforts to suppress freedom of speech, but says it must obey Chinese law.

For foreign companies, the internet business in China is certainly a moral minefield. But the internet should not be dismissed as merely an instrument of control for the Communist Party. In the past three years, China has seen far more extensive use of the internet and the rapid development of groups that share views online that are by no means always the same as the party's. The numbers of internet-connected computers have more than doubled since the end of 2002, to 45.6m, and internet-users have risen by 75%, to 111m. China now has more internet-users than any country but America, and over half of them have broadband (up from 6.6% at the end of 2002). Users of instant computer-to-computer messaging systems have more than doubled, to 87m. Blogs—online personal diaries, scarcely heard of three years ago—now number more than 30m. And search engines receive over 360m requests a day.

The spread of mobile telephony has been no less spectacular. At the end of last year China had 393m mobile-phone accounts, nearly 200m more than at the end of 2002 and more than any other country. If, as many believe, China's first third-generation mobile-network licence is to be awarded in the coming year, internet access at broadband speeds will become available on mobile handsets. And, crucially, many people in towns can now afford all this technology. China's economy in the past three years has been growing at around 10% a year, enriching a growing middle class that increasingly sees the internet as an aid to information-gathering, communication and entertainment. Even many students can afford laptops. In big cities, they congregate in cafés that offer free wireless access.

Moreover, the technological transformation is spreading far into the hinterland. Almost every county now has broadband. Internet cafés with high-speed connections are ubiquitous and cheap even in remote towns. Fixed-line internet access is still uncommon in rural homes. But in many parts of the countryside, it is possible to surf the internet at landline modem speeds using a mobile handset (though few peasants can afford to). With the government's encouragement, state-owned companies have poured quantities of money into the building of a telecoms infrastructure worthy of the rich world.

Keeping the genie half in the bottle

The government has also spent freely to keep its liberating side-effects under control. The committed few who are brave or foolhardy enough to use the internet to challenge the authorities now face a police force of some 30,000 online monitors, say foreign human-rights groups. They also say that China has jailed over 50 people for expressing views online or in text messages. Worried about the forces unleashed by rapid economic and social change, China's leaders have stepped up their efforts in recent months to control not only the internet but other media too. A handful of outspoken newspapers have been closed and their editors sacked.

At February's congressional hearing, representatives of America's internet companies argued that their presence was helping to promote access to information by encouraging the internet's development in China. Jack Krumholtz of Microsoft said the Chinese people would be the principal losers if his company's internet services ceased in China. They would be denied, he said, “an important avenue of communication and expression”. That was an exaggeration. Foreign companies help to spur competition. But it is Chinese companies—some of them listed on American stock exchanges—that in many respects, and often unwittingly, are transforming China faster.

Google's decision to set up a self-censored version of its search engine in China this year aroused a storm of criticism in America. But iResearch, a Shanghai-based market-analysis firm, says China's Baidu enjoys more than 56% of the search market; Google follows with less than a third, having been the leader three years ago. Popular features of Baidu's engine are its ability to link searches to related chat forums, and hunt for MP3 music files, most of them pirated.

Baidu's searches are not nearly as comprehensive as Google's. But self-censorship, both by Baidu and by Google in its new China-based engine, still allows information through that the party dislikes. For instance, news about the congressional hearing—ignored by China's print media—can be found on both. Entering the Chinese-character equivalents of the words “Congress America internet freedom” into Baidu produces three prominent results relating to the hearing. All are blogs. Two even contain advertisements with links to p-o-r-n-o-g-r-a-p-h-i-c websites.

Google's engine in China produces more relevant results. But many are blocked by a firewall, the barrier between the internet in China and the rest of the world that filters out banned sites and those containing prohibited keywords. Curiously, it is the Chinese search engine with a more rigorous filtering system than Google's that provides the readiest access to uncensored information about the congressional hearing. For those who know English, the House of Representatives' offers copies of evidence and a webcast of the entire proceedings. These are not blocked.

The firewall is porous. Imaginative users can find ways of searching for sensitive topics such as news about Falun Gong, a banned spiritual movement. In Google, entering the words “法论 Gong” will cause the entire results page to be blocked, but “FLG movement” will not. Many Chinese internet-users are well practised in configuring their internet browsers to route page requests through unblocked proxy servers outside China. These help bypass the firewall.

Blog-standard evasion

Blogs make the censors' work all the more difficult. China's fast-growing legions of bloggers know they must avoid taboo keywords, including those programmed into the Chinese version of MSN Spaces. If you enter any of those, the postings will not be shown or your attempt to set up a blog will be denied. But, as China's internet companies engage in fierce competition to draw blog traffic to their portals, few checks seem to be made about who is writing them. A blog can easily and quickly be set up on a Chinese portal, and no one asks for verifiable personal information. Bloggers often display postings that would make party censors shudder. Mr Tan, the student who used to run the Revolutionary Marxism website, has a blog on MSN Spaces that keeps up his campaign for workers' rights despite the demise of his own site and continued harassment by officials.

Human intervention is no less fallible than the firewall. In the middle of the huge open-plan newsroom of Sina Corporation in north-western Beijing, a score of censors sit in front of their screens. They are young employees whose job is to examine thousands of blogs and comments posted by internet-users on Sina's news items. It is a round-the-clock task, designed to find anything that could have got through the filters and might still offend the authorities.

Direct attacks on the party, its leaders or on the political system rarely get through (or at least, not for long). But that still allows room for far more vigorous debate on a range of social and economic issues than China has enjoyed before under Communist rule. According to Qian Hualin of the government-affiliated China Internet Network Information Centre, Chinese service-providers report that some 70% of their bandwidth is taken up with pirated music and films. That still leaves lots of room for discourse.

Even the party itself pays attention to the deluge of public comment. Eager to acquire some legitimacy, but anxious to avoid democracy, it is trying its hand at populism. The prime minister, Wen Jiabao, said last month that the government should listen “extensively” to views expressed on the internet. With few other ways of assessing the public mood, the internet is indeed a barometer, even though surveys suggest that users are hardly representative of the general population, being mainly young, better educated and male.

In 2003 many internet-users expressed outrage on bulletin boards over the beating to death in jail of just such a young, well-educated man who had been arrested for failing to carry the right identity documents. This led to the scrapping of a decades-old law giving the police sweeping powers to detain anyone suspected of staying without a permit in a place other than his registered home town. Later that year the commuting of a death sentence of a gang boss prompted a similar online furore. The Supreme Court retried the case and ordered his execution.

The knitting of a network

Guo Liang of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences describes 2003 as a “milestone” in the development of the internet in China. During the outbreak early in the year of SARS, an often fatal respiratory disease, many people stayed at home and made extensive use of the internet to gather information and keep in touch. The government's efforts to block news of the outbreak collapsed as word spread by e-mail, computer and text message. By late 2004 home installation of broadband began to take off, and with it the growth of blogging, instant messaging and internet-based phone and video calls.

The party worries about any unregulated networking among ordinary people. It severely limits the activities of non-governmental organisations, even straightforwardly charitable ones. It ruthlessly suppresses organised dissent. But China's love affair with the mobile phone, text and instant messaging has helped people to form networks on a scale and with a speed that is beyond the party's ability to control. Windows Messenger, Microsoft's instant-messaging system, is one popular tool. But by far the biggest share of this market is enjoyed by a Chinese company, . Its messaging service, QQ, generates revenue by linking a free online system with mobile phones, for which users must pay.

The QQ service has helped Mr Yan retain some of his online network of contacts since the closure of China Workers Net and Communist Net. He replaced the two home pages with notices inviting anyone interested in staying in touch to join a QQ chat group called China Working Class Net. Members can hold discussions with dozens of people all at once. With webcams, some chatters can also see and hear each other. Some even go in for luoliao, naked chatting, which is causing the authorities and parents some concern. The government, however, seems to devote more resources to controlling politics on the internet than to controlling sex.

One frequently criticised aspect of China's internet development is that nationalist diatribes have a much better chance of getting past the censors than other political comment. But nationalism has also provided a convenient cover for experimenting with new forms of mobilisation. The power of instant messaging, for instance, became evident in April last year, when it was used to organise big anti-Japanese protests in several cities. In the build-up to the protests, Sina organised an online campaign aimed at demonstrating public opposition to Japan's bid for permanent membership of the UN Security Council. Some 20m people submitted their names. Since starting a similar campaign a few weeks ago, Sina's rival, , has gathered more than 15m names. “It shows the power” of the internet, says Charles Chao, Sina's boss.

The government keeps issuing new rules to keep users of both the internet and mobile phones in line. Last September news portals were banned from publishing anything that might incite protests; anything issued in the name of any “illegal civil organisation” was also forbidden. According to news reports, the government plans this year to issue rules to require people buying pre-paid mobile phone cards to submit proof of identity: over half of China's mobile-phone accounts are not registered in any name, making it easy for criminals—or dissidents—to use them without being identified by the police. “The internet in China is a wild place, it's crazy,” says Charles Zhang, head of Sohu. “I don't think it's monitored enough.”

Catch me if you can

But the market is likely to prevail over restrictions. Limiting phone-card sales to just a few shops with the ability to process registration requirements would be a blow to mobile-phone companies and huge numbers of private vendors who thrive on such business. It is hard to see how it could be enforced any more rigorously than, say, China's ban on the unauthorised reception of satellite signals. Illegal sales of satellite dishes and cable services offering uncensored foreign satellite channels are big underground businesses in urban China.

China's news portals, in their competition for traffic, will continue to test the limits of official tolerance. And in a competitive market few internet-café operators pay attention to government requirements that users' identities should be registered. An hour on a broadband connection in an internet café in a small town can cost as little as one yuan—about 13 cents.

Research by the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences suggests the scale of the government's task. Over 20% of people surveyed in five Chinese cities last year said the internet had increased their contacts with others who shared their political interests—a far higher proportion than found in a similar survey conducted in America (8.1%) by collaborators in the investigation. Nearly half of the respondents said going online increased their contacts with people who shared their hobbies, compared with less than 20% in the United States (networked role-playing games, growing fast in popularity in China, may partly account for this). And nearly 63% agreed that the internet gave them greater opportunities to criticise the government.

“China is changing, it's improving,” says Jack Ma, head of , which last year took over the running of Yahoo!'s Chinese operations—for, despite an early start in China, Yahoo! has been elbowed aside by domestic rivals. “Ten years ago, 20 years ago, in Chairman Mao's time, if we came here to talk about these things [government censorship],” he begins. Then he puts an imaginary pistol to his head and, with a grin, fires it. That, of course, was when power just grew out of the barrel of a gun. Now it also grows out of the infinite, albeit virtual, barrels of the internet.



您没有权限查看这个主题的附件。


页首
 用户资料 发送Email  
 
 文章标题 : Re: 【历史存档】2006年中国工人网被打压事件及海内外声援
帖子发表于 : 2010年 7月 2日 04:21 星期五 
离线
Site Admin

注册: 2009年 6月 16日 21:12 星期二
帖子: 2580
(★革马网 - 历史存档)





庆祝五一国际劳动节 中国工人网重获新生

中国工人网站编辑部



  每年的五月一日,是全世界劳动人民共同的节日。许多国家的劳动者都会以各种各样的方式来纪念它。在中国大陆,一些人把它变成了“五一黄金周”;另一些人似乎已经淡忘了这是一个与他们的历史有关的节日。为了这忘却的纪念,2005年5月1日我们创办了中国工人网。

  起初,登陆中国工人网的还不是工人,而是一些研究中国劳工问题的学者和关注工人问题的知识分子。随着工厂事件的报道以及工人自己创作稿件的增多,来中国工人网浏览或发言的就主要是工人了。工人写文章或者发表言论总是直来直去,揭露社会和工厂黑暗面的时候也无所顾忌,这难免就会触怒一些腐败势力和有权有势的人。今年“两会”前夕,即2月22日,中国工人网即被某部门无端勒令关闭了。

  中国工人网站被关闭期间,许多工人写信或者打电话呼吁要求给予解封。贵州大学法学院一位网名叫红草的大学生,因为在自己个人网页上为中国工人网呼吁而受到校方和有关部门的刁难。著名作家魏巍也写了呼吁信。然而,这一切都无济于事!勒令关闭网站的某机构一位负责人除了指责工人的质疑是在“捣乱”而外,没有作出任何像样的答复。对于这样一个倡导全社会“文明办网”的政府行政机构的这种不文明行为,我们深感失望和无奈!

  众所周知的原因,中国的工人是非常需要拥有自己的网络交流平台的。这也可以从他们热切盼望中国工人网站恢复运行这一点上得到说明。无奈之中,一些读者甚至建议租用外国服务器,以便把中国工人网继续办下去。难道中国工人不能在自己的国家里建设自己的网站吗?

  感谢台湾同胞、台湾劳工网站——苦劳网的编辑们使大陆工人的这一愿望得到实现。是他们为中国工人网及时地提供了服务器,才使得遭受挫折的中国工人网站一年后又重获新生。在这里,我们也要感谢那些关注和关心中国工人网站命运的国际友人和组织,他们曾给予了中国工人网站极大的同情和支持。又一个五一国际劳动节到了,让两岸工人阶级和全世界无产阶级共同来庆祝这个节日吧!并祝愿两岸工人阶级通过自己的网站增进了解和团结吧!

  全世界无产阶级联合起来!



2006年5月1日


页首
 用户资料 发送Email  
 
 文章标题 : Re: 【历史存档】2006年中国工人网被打压事件及海内外声援
帖子发表于 : 2010年 7月 2日 04:23 星期五 
离线
Site Admin

注册: 2009年 6月 16日 21:12 星期二
帖子: 2580
(★革马网 - 历史存档)


五一期间再提“工人网”及其它


原名:中国劳动者沦为社会下层阶级?
记者: 齐之丰
华盛顿 美国之音
2006年5月1日


在五一国际劳动节到来之际,中国劳动者的状况受到关注。中国劳工权利活动人士抱怨说,在名义上是劳动者、工人阶级当家作主的中国,劳动者已经沦为社会下层阶级。

*劳动者成为无能或不幸代名词*

许多中国人抱怨说,在当今中国,笑贫不笑娼、金钱万能、有钱能使鬼推磨、有权就能有钱已经成为具有压倒优势的社会风气,劳动和劳动者成为无能或不幸的代名词。

在五一国际劳动节到来之际,虽然官方规定长周末放假,鼓励民众旅游消费,但是,对很多中国劳动者来说,他们要为基本生计操心,为孩子学费,家人医疗费,为就业,为一日三餐煞费苦心。

许多评论人士表示,劳动者在中国已经沦为社会下层阶级显然已经成为不争的事实,以至于中国官方现在要大力宣传劳动光荣。

*中国工人网被封杀*

在北京从事出版编辑工作的严元章先前跟一群志同道合者主办“中国工人网”,试图给中国工人提供一个发表自己常常被中国主流新闻媒介所忽视的意见的论坛。但是,今年2月,“中国工人网”被北京当局强行关闭。

严元章说:“中国宪法规定工人阶级是领导一切的, 工人阶级是当家做主的,而在事实上不是,是相反的,以至于很多工人说,不要再叫我们主人公,不要这样再说,这样是刺激我们。”

*严元章:共产党质变不再代表工人*

在北京担任出版社编辑的严元章认为,中国的劳动者之所以面临今天的困境,是因为共产党发生了质变,这首先表现在当今执政党的理论混乱,逻辑混乱上。他认为,共产党本来是代表工人阶级和劳动者利益的,但是,中共现在却吸收资本家入党,而资本家与工人的利益本质上是冲突的。

严元章认为,在很大程度上,现今的中共已经成为资本利益的代表,而不再代表工人阶级的利益。他说:“官方讲工人阶级领导一切,或者说工人阶级当家作主,这是统治的需要。”

*雇员被迫加班*

在五一节到来前夕,新华社也发表报导说,中国现在有越来越多的人被强迫在8小时之外加班加点,假如他们拒绝加班,会发现工资被克扣。而五一国际劳动节就是起源于1886年美国工人发动罢工,要求改善工作条件,实行8小时工作制。

新华社报导援引北京统计局的话说,在北京,一般的雇员每周平均工作47.2个小时,超过法定的每周工作时间40小时。

*严元章:资本成老大,劳动受欺压*

北京工人权利活动人士严元章认为,在当今中国,资本显然成为主宰社会的老大,劳动者重新沦为被统治者,无法伸张自己的权利。

他说:“当资本坐大的时候,劳动就处于被统治的状态中,尤其是这些劳动者没有自己的组织,或者是自己的组织并没有代表自己利益的时候,劳动者更处于一种被动状态,更多的表现为一种被欺压的状态。”

*工会不代表工人利益*

中国虽然也有名义上的工会,但是,这些官方的工人工会是政府的分支机构。在党和政府强调经济发展优先的今天,官方工会不能带代表工人与资方抗争以争取工人的权利。同时,党和政府严厉镇压任何人企图成立独立工会的行动。共产党反复要求各级政府警惕独立工会的出现,认为独立的工会是对共产党执政地位的致命威胁。

同时,中国当局近来也加强了互联网管制,取缔为工人说话的网站。严元章和志同道合者开设的“中国工人网”今年2月被当局封闭。严元章通过在台湾的服务器试图在今年五一节到来时恢复“中国工人网”,但是,严元章在5月1号接受记者采访时说,他发现,通过在台湾的服务器上网的“中国工人网”网站又被中国当局屏蔽。


页首
 用户资料 发送Email  
 
 文章标题 : Re: 【历史存档】2006年中国工人网被打压事件及海内外声援
帖子发表于 : 2010年 7月 2日 04:28 星期五 
离线
Site Admin

注册: 2009年 6月 16日 21:12 星期二
帖子: 2580
以下是共产主义入门网红草文集2006年部分中,有关这一事件的简要说明。



2006年春季·声援中国工人网事件


编者简介:

2006年2月22日毛左派严元章主办的中国工人网等左派网站,被北京网管当局无理关闭。红草及其共网(当时叫革马网)采取了全力声援的姿态,当日即写了,文章迅即被转载到海外自由派的门户网站“博讯”首页上,引起亚太地区一些舆论的关注。几天后,红草又写了,以进一步说明问题,澄清一些舆论的“误导”,以把握导向。很快,红草由此遭到了极端保守的校方的不断升级的压力。但他顶住压力继续撑了两个月,并曾接受知名的英国有产杂志《经济学家》记者的电话采访,4月27日该刊发表。5月1日,工人网租用台湾服务器继续办站,并发表五一节启事,其中提及了相关事件。

几乎与校方第一次警告(见2006年3月2日日记)同时,革马网()遭到封杀。2006年3月下旬第二个地址又遭封杀(这次当局的粗暴打压导致服务商当天营业中断,服务商无奈之下把怨气发泄到革马网身上)。目前建基于googlepages的共网乃是,从2006年3月下旬算起。

※今天再回过头来看,本人依然认为声援行为本身是正确合理的。作为政治自由-言论自由的一部分,在网上发表异议的自由应当得到保障,才能够维护工农斗争的利益。但是本人当时并没能够区分“支持自由权利”与“支持权利主体”。换句话说,一般地支持自由权利是恰当的,但这并不意味着要支持被专制打压的组织/舆论/事物。而当时本人采取了力挺中国工人网编辑(毛左派)的姿态,甚至本人把工人网编辑说成是“真正的革命马克思主义者”,这是一个不折不扣的幼稚病。在一定程度上,这与本人05年11月支持施晓渝并称其为左派一样,是思想认识水平低和政治盲目的表现。但根本上也与当时本人政治立场的发展程度有关。最后,整个事件带有内在的心理报复(因为05年重特钢事件遭到的迫害带来的愤懑仇恨情绪,可参见)和冒险试探(走一步算一步)的性质,或者说这清晰理性的斗争脉络中有些“潜意识暴动”的非理性元素。政治自由的严重缺乏反倒使我被迫沉默下来,并由此加快了我的思想深化、觉醒和趋向成熟。

(2008.11.编辑.12.初略补.)





页首
 用户资料 发送Email  
 
 文章标题 : Re: 【历史存档】2006年中国工人网被打压事件及海内外声援
帖子发表于 : 2010年 7月 2日 04:34 星期五 
离线
Site Admin

注册: 2009年 6月 16日 21:12 星期二
帖子: 2580
---------
以下出自《作家称博客被中国政府盯凶多吉少》 记者: 齐之丰 华盛顿 Mar 13, 2007

*严元章:宪法言论自由未受保护*

分析人士指出,中国共产党当局历来对中国公民的言论自由实行严格控制,对互联网出版抱有深刻的顾忌和戒心。在中国负责新闻出版部门的高级官员宣布要“在充份保护公民言论自由的前提下”促进网络出版繁荣之际,被中国当局取缔、转移到中国大陆境外又被屏蔽的“中国工人网”的主编严元章说,中国的宪法虽然明文规定中国公民享有言论自由,但是从他个人的体验来看,这种宪法规定在有关官员眼里如同可以置之不理的废话。

严元章说,他主办的“中国工人网”没有泄露国家机密,没有传播淫秽下流的东西,也没有从事任何欺诈,无非是给下岗工人提供一个说话的场所,而这种言论理应是最应当受到保护的言论,但是“中国工人网”还是被当局以莫名其妙的理由封闭。

严元章说,他跟他的同事为了争取网站的生存,甚至对主管部门官员表示,假如他们认为“中国工人网”有什么错误,欢迎指出,他们愿意作出改正,但是政府主管部门官员根本不听他们的意见,坚持封杀他们的网络出版网站。

他说:“我们跟他交涉的时候,我就有一种强烈的感受,觉得他们就象王朔说的:‘我是流氓我怕谁。’他们就是这样的一种架势。你对他毫无办法,因为他控制着你。”


页首
 用户资料 发送Email  
 
显示帖子 :  排序  
发表新帖 回复这个主题  [ 25 篇帖子 ]  前往页数 上一页  1, 2, 3

当前时区为 UTC + 8 小时


在线用户

正在浏览此版面的用户:没有注册用户 和 0 位游客


不能 在这个版面发表主题
不能 在这个版面回复主题
不能 在这个版面编辑帖子
不能 在这个版面删除帖子
不能 在这个版面提交附件

查找:
前往 :  
cron

创建我的免费论坛! · php-BB© · Internationalization Project · 报告滥用 · 使用条款/隐私政策
© Forums-Free.com 2009